Hence the many numbers of rules and definitions founding the rhetoric of imperial order, distinguishing reason from desire, using native landscape, native bodies, and interracial relationships for moralising statements that attempt to separate native instinct from white self-discipline, native lust from white civility, and native sensuality from white morality. Additionally, "culture" too is harnessed to "mark difference, and to rationalise the hierarchies of privilege and profit, to consolidate the labor regimes of expanding capitalism," 21 and "to provide the psychological scaffolding for the exploitative structures of colonial rule" Stoler Skin colour, as well , is harnessed to function as a screen for justifying a violently prohibitive racism.
Interestingly, in this regard, mimicry can actually become the arena of the colonised, as the brutal violence employed in these disciplining endeavours becomes "the mimicry by the colonizer of the savagery imputed to the savage" Taussig 66, Discourses of mixed race people were also prominent in the vocabulary of scientific racialism in the middle and late nineteenth century. Anthropology, science, medicine and psychiatry were all involved in discussions naturalising the aristocracy and dominance of certain races, and producing various anxieties around the proximity and distance of other races, including the mixed races.
A s Robert Young explains, miscegenation involving white and coloured bodies became a symbol of phobic fantasies, "compulsive libidinal attraction disavowed by equal insistence on repulsion" Colonial Desire In this sense, miscegenation becomes akin to the conflictual desire and aversion attributed to a fetish , object, as described by McClintock and Bhabha.
Hybridity too, at this juncture, becomes a "binate operation, in which each impulse is qualified against the other" pure against impure, sameness against difference, and vice versa, "forcing momentary forms of dislocation and displacement into complex economies of agonistic reticulation" Young, Colonial Desire Young also points out an important contradiction in the politics of the sexuality of hybridity: "as a cultural description" it "always carries with it an implicit politics of heterosexuality" since it focuses on mixed race offspring: homosexual relationships, though clearly also locked into binaries of a racialised sexuality, often "posed no threat because [they] produced no children; so "[they] remained silent, covert and unmarked" Colonial Desire Sti l l , in both situations, by concentrating on "white power, white desire" while discussing theories of hybridity, Young falls into the trap of Said's Orientalism, leaving out the desires, attitudes, conflicts and reactions of the people of colour involved in those relationships.
Since Young's interracial theories do not adequately address the relationships between various people of colour, like much other discourse on mixed race people, it confines the relevance of the word "interracial" exclusively to the relationship of white and non-white, thereby homogenising the term people of colour and occluding the politics in relationships among people of colour, whether from a sexual or social angle of discussion. I w i l l discuss some features from this side of interracial relationships in the literature section on the Anglo-Indians in India particularly in Chapter 4 and in discussions of the Goan and Indian diaspora in East Africa Chapter 7.
For Bhabha, the very fact that the colonial authorities demand fetishistic iteration signals that underneath runs a need that is "as anxious as it is assertive" about loss of control "The Other Question" In fact, the very concern with boundary formation in colonial discourse brings attention to the renewed 23 attempts to make clear where the lines had to be drawn despite the many times these lines got blurred, confused, and transgressed. Stoler comes to this conclusion when she extends Michel Foucault 's scrutiny of the technologies of power and sex in European particularly French society of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries9 to an analysis of colonial mechanisms used to counter anxiety about loss of control "Making Empire Respectable" Referring to India, Gauri Viswanathan also notices this anxiety in the peculiar irony of the history of Parliamentary pressures to assume more direct control over the East India Company and Indian subjects.
This assumption of control was at least as much due to concern for "native immorality" even i f native immorality was later suggested as the cause of the contagion , as with an alarm over the "excesses" of the British in India, and the embarrassment over the "demoralized" lifestyles of "nabobs" and other East Indian Company officials Masks of Conquest These studies thus show how in its obsessive preoccupation to separate the self from the other, colonialism was externalising the internal enemy within: projecting, displacing, and reacting defensively to its own excesses, imagined terrors, forbidden desires, secret attractions and fantasies.
Bhabha argues that in mimicking norms, the subject can deliberately mis appropriate, deform and re-turn the gaze as a gesture of parodic excess, so that the mirror image also reflects back the figure of the Other whom the colonials have disavowed. This mimic figure both eludes and menaces the colonial disciplinary demand for stable subjects that w i l l come close, but w i l l not jeopardise the hierarchising screen of "self ' and "other" that justify colonial prohibitions Bhabha, " O f Mimicry" Thus, though the colonial authorities force subjects to mime without any perceptible trace of irony, colonial subjects can often creatively and calculatingly perform these roles to the extent that the colonisers can no longer distinguish between the ironic and the unironic effects of mimicry.
However, in the situation of the Anglo-Indians, determining who is an Anglo and who is an Indian is quite a fraught situation for both colonials and Anglo-Indians, given that the power of the former was constantly felt by the latter. So while the fear of discovery might have been an adventurous game for the colonisers it was often terrifying to the Anglo-Indians, though in at least one of the novels for my thesis Anglo-Indians changing colours, sides, and names was as much a question of expediency as it was of amusement.
Another form of mimic knowledge can be seen when natives possess and transform the symbols or gods of colonialism to acquire and overturn the godly colonial power associated with it Taussig Examples include the clamour of Indians or Goans educated in colonial institutions for positions of authority and self-representation in the government, or Indians claiming that they were of the same Indo-European racial "Aryan stock" as the British.
A s I explain in Chapter 2, the British, too, feared insurgent uprisings 25 from Eurasians in India based on other historical precedents of Eurasians and natives combining against colonial powers. The British reacted to these precedents by drawing up a series of measures to circumvent any possibility of threats from Anglo-Indians in India, thus re-drawing the lines of a hierarchical difference, because, at some point, the mimic subject was capable of refusing to identify with the British and instead joining hands with the natives.
However, theorists like Fanon, Fuss, Butler, and McClintock embroil mimicry in qualifications about its aspects of compliance and internalisation of hegemonic structures.
For example, examining the concept of mimicry in the contexts of feminist, queer theory, and postcolonial theory while reading Bhabha in conjunction with Fanon, Fuss notes that particularly in the works of Luce Irigaray and Joan Riviere, and in Fanon's anti-colonialist imagery, at some level, many psychoanalytic theories tend to agree that behind every imitation lies some level or tendency for incorporative identification, though how much, to what effect, or at what psychic cost are loaded questions.
For Fanon, the negative implications of mimicry are more pronounced, because, to the black subject, narcissism itself is never singular, but a "dual narcissism " 10 : a longing and an impossibility in a colonising ontology, since self-knowledge means looking in the mirror at a white image. Thus, for Fanon, black means to be not white, so identification with whiteness comes by an "internalization—or better, the epidermalization" of black as inferior, a blackness which can only be proportionately elevated by "becoming 'whiter'" as the black man "renounces his blackness, his jungle" A t one point, even Bhabha acknowledges 26 that in order to mime this viewpoint, the colonised needs to "turn away from himself and his race in his total identification with whiteness and its equivalents and substitutes" "The Other Question" Rather than seeing mimicry as entirely damaging or entirely triumphant, theorists like Bhabha, Silverman, Spivak, Fuss and McClintock also point out there can be a variety of positions between and within different acts of mimicry, some of which I explore in later chapters, in literary and historical discussions of the intermediary positions of Anglo-Indians and Goan Catholics.
A t those points, rather than mimicry, the concept of the intermediary can offer a more nuanced perspective, for it shares similarities with the idea of assimilative miming, but also strategic adaptiveness, not just with regard to one colonial power, but under changing conditions of power that accompany diasporic migration in differing colonial circumstances. Even Bhabha using Lacan argues at one point that one effect of colonial mimicry can be "camouflage"—protecting oneself from the getting "caught" and interrogated by the effects of the gaze by becoming mottled against a mottled background Lacan, "The Line and the Light" in Four Fundamentals We can see this operate in the way Anglo-Indians and East African Asians were positioned as or took up the position of "middlemen" over other Indians and Africans, and, in the process, sometimes played right into the hands of exploitative systems.
A s middle people, these and other minority communities felt that they could escape the penalties attendant upon taking sides, and could adapt to changes in power. So, as Lenny's father says of the Parsees in the context of the partition of India in Bapsi Sidhwa's Icy-Candy Man, some decided that they "must hunt with the hounds and run with 27 the hare" However, the middle-ground did have its penalties, as evident from the situation of the expulsion of South Asians from Uganda. On the level of the stereotype, in the "sambo effect" Megan M i l l s finds similarities with a protective positioning of the camouflaging behaviour of some Anglo-Indians, in that sometimes it was "wiser" to play up "to the Englishman's ingrained sense of authority" and "present oneself to officialdom within a somewhat degrading lackadaisical stereotype of what an official expected" rather "than it was to reveal one's intelligence" Mil ls , "Some Stereotypes Part II," Internet.
Mimicry in the intermediary position could also function protectively and defensively as "travesty" or "intimidation" through the use of "disguise" and "masquerade" Lacan, "The Line and the Light" Four Fundamentals Michael Taussig's example of the white man's confrontation with the "white Indian" or the "white African" is a wonderfully unsettling example of a type of mimicry that can also be seen when the British find in the mimic an incalculability that makes it "quite difficult to place" that person in a previously assumed category Bhabha, "Remembering Fanon" xxii.
Even more interesting is when the Europeans find images of themselves in the mimic Indian, even though they are actually in quest for the real Indian. Following Taussig's line of this kind of mimicry, we could then say that for "the white man, to read this face means facing himself as Others read him" and the white man "as viewer is virtually forced to interrogate himself, to interrogate the Other in and partially constitutive of his many and conflicting selves" However, there is a caveat here as well , because I found that several times this interrogation is sidelined or never undertaken because the white man points out that something surplus is missing, that something is wrong about the person's mimicry, and this 28 critique circumscribes the subversive edge of mimicry, as the white observer has once again had the authority to re-invoke the rules and reset where the limits of Self and Other lie.
That mimicry can be ambivalent in that it has both empowering and disempowering consequences is analysed in Gayatri Spivak's reading of mimicry via the classical myth of Echo and Assia Djebar's concept of aphonic A s I discuss in Chapter 3, in a similar way to Echo, the chee-chee English of Anglo-Indians was used and received in ambivalent ways.
Echo, not always willingly, gives back her own words, but they do not entirely have an "identity proper to i t s e l f as they have to attend to particular articulations of narcissism, while at the same time, they are also marked by differance. This posing is a response that emerges "under the imperative to be within the spectacle" and may actually convey the "impossibility of avoiding specularity" It can as such then be generative "not of pleasure," but of "unpleasure," and it may bespeak "compliance" with the "images to which he or she is accustomed to being apprehended" These effects are present in some of the literature cited particularly in Chapter 7, where narrators and characters are plagued with a sense of guilt for or loss of certain identifications under colonialism.
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Thus the fact of the subject posing does not always "conspire to form the desired representation" that one has come to identify with through historical circumstances" This can be seen in the way the history of Christianity in India could be said to have adapted 29 or even succumbed to local contexts of caste and culture.
Silverman draws on Lacan's synonyms for mimicry as envelope, camouflage, and mask, and she extends their relation to the gaze by suggesting several parallels for the possibilities that might occur in the pose. In the literature I discuss, those Goan Catholics and Anglo-Indians refusing to take the intermediary position receive both punishment and rewards, though resistance definitely makes for a more sympathetic case of heroism in retrospect, as opposed to a sense of compromise and fall that usually goes with mimicry.
Most importantly, when reading Bhabha, Fuss, Fanon, and Silverman we notice that crucial to any politics of identification is determining who is imitating whom and in what circumstances Fuss "Interior Colonies" Bhabha responds to Fanon by stressing that his version of mimicry is "not the familiar exercise of dependent colonial relations" "Of Mimic ry" , and in fact demonstrates that mimicry exposes the very "ambivalent" ways in which colonisation itself produces subjects, not so much because of some deliberate strategy on the part of the coloniser, but because of the inherent ambivalence in colonial representation itself, with its insistent repression of "denied" forms of knowledge that always present the danger of re-entering "the dominant discourse and estrang[ing] the basis of its authority" "Signs Taken for Wonders" In "The Other Question" Bhabha observes that these acts of exposure are nonetheless "caught" in the "imaginary" 30 , making us wonder then, as Anne McClintock does, where does agency lie in mimicry?
Thus we need to look carefully at both these effects since the double-edgedness of mimicry can engender a subversive unpicking Bhabha ; or a disempowering obedience that internalises dominance in the mirror of the Symbolic, where self-identity for the colonised signifies a negating dependence, since that identity is always the imaginary "other" Fanon Black Skin A s Bhabha himself points out, the colonial stereotype subjectifies both coloniser and colonised so that both disavow difference through an identification with an Imaginary space, where the "ideal ego is white and whole" and positive "The Other Question" Even while connecting mimicry and masquerade as subversive, Fuss reminds us that there can be many slippages between a "mimicry of subversion" and "a mimicry of subjugation.
Whether intentionality and subversion are detected or erased is also a matter of debate: for example, when reading histories of Anglo Indian and Goan Catholic collaboration with colonialism, the notion of a hopelessly mimic community can quickly become entrenched as a stereotype. A s I explain in the next section, when using Fanon's and Lacan's theories, we need to consider that the colonialist gaze was confronted by images of Indianness and Britishness generated by nationalism. While employing the concept of the gaze, it is therefore imperative to be mindful to not succumb to the pitfall of seeing the gaze as an omnipotent 31 one, as we see that master-signifiers operate on multiple fronts, and are also negotiated on multiple fronts.
In turn, such negotiation takes the form of clusters of responses that both revoke and reproduce those master signifiers thereby changing their structures, even as they repeat them. Partha Chatterjee reminds those who read the hegemonic project of the colonial gaze not to forget the "contingent alliances" and "appropriations" of "consent" between the "colonial power and sections of the indigenous elite exercising various degrees of 'traditional' authority," thus creating a certain "legitimacy" for colonial regulations to the Indian public "Was there a Hegemonic Project?
Hence, attention needs to be paid to the discourses and debates between the "new intelligentsia among the colonised which emerged as the crucial mediating agency" Chatterjee, "Was There a Hegemonic Project? Even though psychoanalytical concepts provide meaningful insights into subjectivity, mimicry, and the formation of power for anticolonial and postcolonial projects in the work of Fanon, Bhabha, McClintock and others, critics like Spivak and Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks recommend that we also look at the institutional history of psychoanalysis, its claims and categories of analysis, and its relation to anthropology and ethnography that, in turn, were deeply embedded in Eurocentric definitions of culture alongside the vectors of colonial and neocolonial hegemonies.
Such Eurocentric underpinnings can be seen, for example, in Freud's own feminising and infantilising of the "savage mind" or of other anthropological associations of primitive cultures with the rule of the unconscious that is also present in sections of his work. These often lead to invisibly operative conclusions that these cultures were dominated by the senses and the pleasure principle, so that people in these cultures are seen to have weak egos, and act impulsively; their minds are tied to images and symbols, 32 and are therefore not available to the reality principle, or to thought-processes such as rational perceptions or deductions Spivak, "Echo" 20; Seshadri-Crooks Therefore, in the next section i f this chapter, I found it important to take into account how, during the rise of nationalism in British India, the opposition to the notion of Indian culture as primitive and irrational led to simultaneously holding on to some concepts and revising of other concepts of India's past and present.
Another danger with using psychoanalytical terms is that on the one hand, invoking and understanding the production of mimic and fetishistic subjects brings up the danger of constantly associating psychopathological terms with certain groups of people and not others. Therefore groups like the mixed race Anglo-Indians may feel that they have already been overburdened with these words and resent the constant attempt to reactivate these discourses with them as the subjects of inquiry.
On the other hand, one cannot just ignore or dismiss voices from the Goan and Anglo-Indian communities which do speak about a certain level of internalisation, albeit with some sense of conflict and questioning, of colonialist discourses. A s Aijaz Ahmed notes, it is also important to pursue how colonialist textualities "might have been received, modified, challenged, overthrown or reproduced" by a people not just homogenised as "Indians" but as "situated social agents impelled by [their] own conflicts and contradictions, [and] distinct social and political locations" of class, gender language and religious affiliations In Theory Even through the process of mimicry or conversion, certain native elements, including, most importantly, the caste system, were stronger than expected, so that even colonialist ideologies had to work within the challenges posed by these systems.
Gauri Viswanathan finds that in all these arguments the question of how England can serve the people of India was co-terminous with the question of how best the British could consolidate and perpetuate their power with the active and favourable participation of a re-grafted buffer zone of contact between Indians and British Masks of Conquest The question of contact also invariably involved questions of moral boundaries between the cultures of contact.enter
So i f there was an Anglicist backlash against Orientalism, as in the rule of Lord Cornwallis , it was undertaken to rid European administrators from supposedly declining morals which came about from contact with the natives, and to improve the opaque morals and intellect of Indians who could not distinguish between virtue and vice.
When the Anglicists won out, with the English Education Act in , they tried to shape education to root out "immorality, sensuality and self-indulgence" which were "inimical" to the role of governing 34 and were part of superstitious, backward cultures, while the exercise of reason, order, and judgement were underlined Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest On the British home front, the question of clarifying boundaries and morals for its citizens was also paramount in the English nationalist fantasy about clarity.
This sense of clarity was necessary in the face of revolution and unrest at home which, in turn, was in response to widespread poverty and disease caused by slum conditions. Citing Burke and Rousseau, Inderpal Grewal notes how English nationalism emphasised clarity by opposing it to the opacity of others who were either of a foreign race or a lower class. Obscurity and mystery were, on the one hand, sought after as objects of desire and forbidden fantasies, and, on the other hand, as the once-there-but-now removed objects of depravity and abjection from Europe Grewal, Home and Harem Further, transparency suggested not only that the surface was clear, but that the depths below were also clear—inside harmony matched the harmony outside, as the inside itself was now discovered by the sciences of physiognomy and thus "open to knowledge" Grewal, Home and Harem Colonial landscapes were described in a similar fashion: in need of being cultivated, harnessed, domesticated, and governed by natives who would otherwise waste away in vice and idleness Grewal, Home and Harem mH3.
Importantly, as Anne McClintock has pointed out, nations constitute identities through the invention and performance of social difference Imperial Leather Colonial nationalism and anti-colonial nationalism used gender not only as a way to signal national difference, but indeed, in their respective formations, as either a justification for or repudiation of colonial rule. Grewal notices how in England beauty in women was constituted as small, ordered, soft, pliant, amiable and asexual, and a repudiation of the so called inherent sexual wildness of women which must be eliminated to yield clarity of surface and depth.
Women who were "lustful" were said to not be beautiful as these passions were not conducive to cultivating beauty, and these were the trademarks of the lower-class, of prostitutes, and of women from Africa and Asia Grewal, Home and Harem Travel narratives also emphasised that women from Africa and Asia were wholly given over to sexual pleasures and excessive self-ornamentation.
Their laziness and idleness were paradoxically in contrast with the restful leisure that was associated with the asexual motherhood of upper-class Englishwomen. Englishwomen's motherly "half-angel, half-child" dissociated beauty from sexuality, while a heightened sexuality was then seen to be the hall-mark of the "half-devil, half-child" version of Indian and African women Grewal, Home and Harem The practice of sati in India was itself divided into those voluntary submissions which exemplified lessons in female obedience and chastity whereas bad sati was a lesson in Oriental barbarism and despotism in need of a civilising mission.
Rajeshwari Sunder Raj an traces this division as coinciding strategically with the increasingly vocal women's movement in Britain: patriarchal discourse in Britain now selectively admired these good models of sati as a model of behaviour for the Englishwoman at "home" Real and Imagined Women But in the East-West encounter, what theories of colonial mimicry often occlude is that it was not an active-passive encounter, with the West as the sole initiator of the demand for mimicry.
Mimicry was not just enforced and patrolled by colonial ideology, but also by nativist nationalist ideology as it negotiated a paradoxical reply that would vindicate sameness and difference with the colonial rulers, while authorising itself as the "most authentic unit or form of collectivity," totalising other different, perhaps oppositional, or 36 even contradictory political temporalities R. Radhakrishnan, "Nationalism, Gender and the Narrative of Identity" In its struggle against the dominance of colonial constructions and thwarted professional opportunities, compounded by the denunciations of Indian cultures by the Anglicists and the Utilitarians, the indigenous elite, whose ideas later informed the bulk of the nationalist leadership, offered a historiographic model of India that was no simple revival or invocation of the past, nor a simple derivative mimicry of colonial models.
In British India, the s to the s saw the emergence of a nationalist discourse that would have its official embodiment with the establishment of the Indian National Congress in , and as Partha Chatterjee outlines in The Nation and Its Fragments, nationalism focused on certain areas of contested proprietorship like the family, language, history, and religion. They used these sites to effectuate a series of binaries to clarify relationships between colonialist and natives—such as the material and spiritual, outer and inner, home and the world, sameness and difference.
Ironically, this discourse took this inner domain which had to be protected from European encroachment from Orientalist and Indological renderings of Indian culture in order to help convince the colonisers using their own discourse. Some of the British histories used were also largely "administrator's histories" concerned with classification of historical periods, the management of diversity, and the rise and fall of dynasties and empires; many of these histories also contained certain doctrines of race prevalent in nineteenth century Europe Romila Thapar, "Antecedents" A 37 History of India 17; "Communalism and the Writing of Ancient Indian History" 3.
Moreover, it was the English-educated Indians who were most exposed to the English education systems and drew from them to work in mimicry both within the rules and against them, though it is naive to conclude that other Indian languages were not reshaped through colonial contact as well. In deciding to draw identifications from Orientalist images of Indians, nationalist ideology was copying a copy, drawing a simulacrum from a simulacrum to trace an "original" which did not exist in the sense of the composite they were imagining, and yet it was empowering for them to do so at this time.
However, in this copy image, repressions, identifications, and disavowals from Orientalist ideologies and from systems prior to British colonialism continued to return and trouble the symbolic articulations of nationalist ideology, as nationalist texts employed Western Enlightenment ideas to explain their own epistemological and social beliefs Padikkal Indian nativist discourse shows similarities to Zizek's notion of the retroactive quilting of the signifier as it gives meaning and restores wholeness to the signified "Che Vuo i?
Nationalists represented and recovered the space of the modern nation by temporally returning it to the past, much as in a "palimpsest," where the "identification of the national s e l f occurs as "a belated realisation" and expression of the "before" that was already homogenous, whole, and organically sewn in its origins Prakash, "The Modern Nation" A contradictory relation to time McClintock , Kandiyoti thus emerged in order to authorise new forms of rule that could also take on the legitimation of the "present of the nation" Prakash in its past.
In doing so, they also tried to demonstrate that India had its own cultural self. This self was essential and different from a European or Mus l im Other, but also similar in some ways to the Europeans in terms of theories like a once common Indo-Aryan homeland where Indians as Aryans were sought to be related to the Greeks, in order to prove a level of similarity of high racial stock and culture Romila Thapar, "Communalism and The Writing of Ancient Indian History" 2; Uma Chakravarti, "Whatever Happened to the Vedic DasiT 40 Thus began the recovery of certain national memories and the forgetting or repression of others in the creating of national identity.
Nationalists began to cull those records and histories which would aid in the conception and narration of a unique unified sameness of Indianness, erasing all institutions and divisions which might show the nation as fragmented and which would then confirm British suspicions that Indian diversity was proof of a disordered and violent sensibility Padikkal Although the British both admired and feared the martial races of India that could inspire nameless terrors in situations like the Mutiny, British periodicals, travel books and adventure stories had also produced the image of a cowardly and effeminate Hindu as exemplified in Richard Burton's Goa and the Blue Mountain and some Indian princes of childlike softness Castle, Britannia's Children The effects of colonial mimicry in terms of the 39 production of a western-educated Indian middle-class that was ironically a product of colonial insistence on English education, and the political challenges such a mimicry posed in terms of claims to certain exclusive British rights and privileges made colonial authorities and nationalist discourse re-form colonial and Indian discourses of masculinity.
In colonialist discourses, British masculinity was resurrected through the recourse to the late nineteenth-century stereotype of the effeminate Bengali babu, and other similar figures which Mrinal ini Sinha has written about. Such figures came to signal crisis and recuperation both in Indian nationalist and colonial structures. Sinha concludes that the Bengali elite's nationalist discourse showed a simultaneous "investment in, and contestation o f the babu stereotype The elite challenge to such emasculation, in turn, showed the "the new contradiction of elite politics": of hegemonic aspirations of the elite; or of facilitating challenges, even i f in a limited way, to specific colonial policies; or of providing this stereotype of Indian emasculation as an example of the negative impact of colonial rule; and of acquiring new symbols of an empowering masculinity and thus nationhood Sinha 7.
For example, some literature by nationalist Goans also accuses colonialism of emasculating native Goans to appeal to a Goan sense of masculinity to rise against the colonialists. Another example is when, to counter this crisis of masculinity as national inadequacy, nationalist ideology reconstituted valorous and manly portraits of Hindu rulers, drawing on warrior figures such as Shivaji and Rana Pratap, and martial races and regions such as the Sikhs, Rajputs, Marathas who had resisted foreign subjection that was constituted as British and Muslim , but who were seen as not having invaded dominions of foreign powers Padikkal 55; Uma Chakravarti, "Whatever Happened to the Vedic DasiT 37, For example, Hindu intellectuals in the Arya Samaj tried to "reconfigure the flawed body of contemporary Hinduism," or be forgetful of Hinduism's flaws, while they resurrected for "remembrance" the "immaculate shape of ancient Hindu science" whose rationality, modernity and power had been lost by colonial invasion, the passage of time, and the descent into minorityism Prakash, "The Modern Nation" , The Mus l im period was also coined as the "other" dark medieval interregnum which had led to India's degeneration Padikkal ; Romila Thapar, "Communalism and the Writing of Indian History" 5.
But as explored later, under the official history of patriotic love for an Indian India, there lay a "subtext" of "events" and of "incidents" that were repressed during the formation of the dominant ideologies, but were still carried over. Peter Van der Veer describes them "memorized as fragments of a story," even as they return today to haunt, yet again, the history of the nation-state "Writing Violence" Nationalist songs like "Bande Mataram" were "central to much anti-British patriotism and at the same time the Hindu rallying-cry, at least in Bengal, during confrontations with Musl ims" Sarkar, "Indian Nationalism and the Politics of Hindutva" The classificatory operations of the census takers from s onwards also "insisted on firm definitions for the purposes of enumeration and control" based on religion and race despite the confusions caused by people who classified themselves differently or with hybrid terms Sarkar "Indian Nationalism and the Politics of Hindutva" Devy, using formulations of Freud, has a psychological construct for this nationalist crisis which he calls "cultural amnesia.
Leaders then attempt to recollect acceptable versions of a phantasmatic remoter past, to enable them to define a new identity, while dressing it in a garb that would win the approval of both the powers that be and the native bourgeoisie Devy But Devy finds that this acceptance of "cultural amnesia as an indispensable condition for progress," also releases several "conflicting tendencies," so that the colonised culture becomes "violently progressive and militantly retrogressive" 4, 53 , since "after amnesia," the cultural past acts 42 like a concealing memory, accessible only as an "imaginary possession" 27 , recoverable within the terms of present longings and present frameworks.
While Devy refers to the colonial period, I think there is a similar crisis of memory in the postcolonial India of today, as the tensions of migration and globalisation, poverty, and corruption seek displacements, denials, and projections of the past that will feed a communalist binary of villains and heroes for the problems of today. Simultaneously, the nation itself was described as Mother India. Consequently, the debate about the position of women in India in the early nineteenth century "shifts" rather than completely "disappears" in order to accommodate apparently more political concerns about nationalism Shetty Joan W.
Scott's lessons on the history of feminism have striking importance for reading the history of race relations and Indian nationalism. In her chapter "Rereading the History of Feminism" she locates feminism as "a protest against women's political exclusion; its goal was to eliminate 'sexual difference' in politics, but it had to make its claims on behalf of 'women' who were discursively produced through sexual difference " in that women were previously already established as a natural, political, and ontological category that marked them as different from men in a way that had negatively informed socio-political decisions, such as women's exclusion from those activities and sites that were then deemed unwomanly.
Thus "to the extent that it acted for 'women,' feminism produced the 'sexual difference' it sought to eliminate" 3. Similarly, as Somnath Zutshi points out 43 about Indian nationalism, "constantly having to define itself in opposition to some groups whilst simultaneously trying to include as many peoples as possible under some overarching principle of nationalism," the "pulls of inclusion and exclusion" never could be completely evenly balanced A n n McClintock refers to the resolution of the "temporal anomaly" within nationalism when it represented women as "inert, backward-looking and natural," so as to embody "nationalism's principle of continuity" while men "represented the progressive agent of national modernity" that could incorporate a forward and even discontinuous principle Imperial Leather While this can certainly be seen in the case of anti-colonial nationalism in India, it was not always the case because of the peculiar contradictions of its own project.
Thus, in India, the nationalist leaders realised that in order to claim the "new" ideas of Enlightenment categories of modernity and progress whose concepts they would use to vindicate demands for "equality," they needed to reform the spiritual now feminine domain so as to make the Indian woman forward-looking as well. But the crucial point was to include the reformed Indian woman in a way that would safeguard the nation's cultural "difference" from the West and not invite further justification for the intervention of colonial rule on behalf of the figure of the Indian woman.
The recuperation of the Indian woman was important, because it was she who was put forth in colonial discourse as a sign of the oppressed victim of an entire barbaric cultural tradition Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments ; Madhu Dubey 2.
For many British feminists, as well as for Western missionaries from Britain and America, the Indian woman was figured as a kind of imperial "burden" who had to be inserted into modernity, or saved from the oppressions of her unfortunate culture and 44 religion Burton, "The White Woman's Burden" ; Fleming, " A New Humanity" For this reason, as Madhu Dubey observes, reclaiming the figure of the national woman was meaningful for various purposes, the most important one being already cited by numerous critics including Partha Chatterjee and Anne McClintock—to embody and maintain authentic pre-colonial national traditions that were under threat.
It was also the home where these ideologies crucially shaped the behaviour and treatment of women who were "integrated into nationalist projects" Kandiyoti as upholders of "the boundaries of ethnic and national groups" Anthias and Yuval-Davis This can be seen in nationalist discourses around domesticity and family values. As Radha Kumar astutely points out, the invocation of the Indian woman as mother also enabled Indian nationalist patriarchies to rally for the care and education of women in so far as it was seen that there was indeed a biological and social difference between the sexes.
But in doing so, it took for granted or clung unquestioningly to gender-based definitions of the different and complementary roles of women and men, masking "the whole area of domestic labour and reproduction of labour power, so that a free service was offered to capital" 2. There could be a selective appropriation of western modernity, but no matter what the changes in the external conditions of life for women, no matter what she learnt, she must not lose her essential spiritual i.